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REDD-plus, forest people’s rights and

REDD-plus, forest people’s rights and

nested climate governance

Thomas Sikor,1* Johannes Stahl,2 Thomas Enters,3 Jesse C. Ribot,4 Neera Singh,5 William D. Sunderlin,6 Lini Wollenberg 7

1

School of International Development, University of East Anglia, UK 2

Independent Scholar, 76275 Ettlingenweier, Germany 3

RECOFTC – The Center for People and Forests, Thailand 4

Department of Geography, University of Illinois, USA 5

Faculty of Forestry, University of Toronto, Canada 6

Center for International Forestry Research, Indonesia 7

Challenge Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security, University of Vermont, USA

At Copenhagen, the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action (AWG-LCA) was ready to endorse REDD-plus and to make explicit reference to the “rights of indigenous peoples and members of local communities” (UNFCCC, 2009). The reference is important because it acknowledges the historical background from which REDD-plus is developing: the historical dispossession, political exclusion and cultural marginalization of indigenous peoples and members of local communities (hereafter referred to as “forest people”). Recent experience with the recognition of forest people’s rights suggests three broad principles for operationalizing rights under REDD-plus: participation in political decision making, equitable distribution of forest benefits, and recognition of forest people’s particular identities. In addition, the emphasis on rights requires the development of decision-making processes at multiple scales and related across scales. Global-scale institutions will be important but not sufficient in themselves. Effective and equitable REDD-plus requires nested forest and climate governance.

Forest People’s Rights and Rights Claims

Past and present forest management in most tropical countries has dispossessed, excluded and marginalized forest people. Colonial and independent governments have placed forests under state ownership and set up centralized forestry departments to manage them. Political decision making has excluded forest people from meaningful participation, even where governments are democratically elected. Forest people have found themselves outside the cultural mainstream, seeing their group-specific identities devalued. Yet state forestry has been neither equitable nor effective: forest cover has declined and many forests have become degraded throughout the tropics.

Recently, the rights of the estimated 1.6 billion forest people have found increasing recognition in national laws and international agreements. Rights have also emerged as a central rallying point in the demands of forest people and their supporters. Although this emerging rights agenda in forestry is far from uniform, three distinct approaches to the recognition of forest people’s rights are identifiable.

The first approach centers on the transfer of tenure rights to forest people. It builds on the premise that the redistribution of forest tenure is necessary to redress people’s historical dispossession. The transfer of tenure to forestland and connected resources is the key strategy to overcome people’s exclusion from forest management. Support for tenure transfer has long originated from grassroots organizations, civil society organizations, and researchers, whose demands have only recently been heeded by national governments. Nevertheless, the transfer of tenure to forest people has now gained significant momentum in many parts of the world, particularly in Eastern Europe, East Asia, Latin America, and most recently in India (Sunderlin et al., 2008).

The second approach promotes rights for indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples’ organizations and their supporters go far beyond forestry, even though they often lobby for the restitution of forest tenure to indigenous peoples. They insist on indigenous peoples’ participation in political processes and demand rights to political and cultural self-determination. The proponents of indigenous peoples’ rights have long established strong organizations at national and international levels, including transnational NGOs such as the Forest Peoples Programme and associations such as the International Alliance of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forest. Higher-level organizing has helped indigenous peoples’ rights activists to lobby for the establishment of transnational bodies on indigenous rights, in particular the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. It has also allowed them to successfully promote transnational agreements on indigenous rights such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and to use transnational courts for their defense.

The third approach emphasizes the pertinence of human rights to forestry. Sympathetic conservationists have recently begun to employ universal notions of human rights to argue in favor of safeguarding procedural and substantive rights for local people (Campese et al., 2009). Procedural rights refer to a minimum level of participation by local people in political decision making and include, for instance, the right to information and

access to justice. Substantive rights are concerned with the minimum standards of living considered commensurate with human dignity, including the rights to life, health, food, housing, and work. References to human rights in forestry originate mostly from international organizations such as the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, and receive backing from such established transnational bodies as the UN Human Rights Council. They target the formulation of universal standards and the development of global conventions, including legally-binding human rights treaties and non-binding agreements.

Principles for the Recognition of Forest People’s Rights in REDD-plus Actions

From these approaches it is possible to distil three broad principles for the recognition of forest people’s rights in future REDD-plus actions. Although the principles derive from all three approaches, they go beyond any particular one: they extend beyond the demand for tenure transfer; they cover a larger set of forest people than those considered indigenous; and they are more encompassing than human rights-based approaches as they emphasize the equitable distribution of forest benefits (rather than just a minimum standard of living) and attend to forest people’s individual and collective rights.

The first principle is forest people’s participation in political decision making regarding their own affairs. Participation requires the use of procedures in policy-making and policy implementation that encourage public participation, democratic control over forests, and the conduct of local affairs in ways that involve community participation (Ribot et al., 2008). The principle necessitates forest agencies’ inclusion of forest people in decisions about forests, for example through the use of procedures seeking free, prior and informed consent. In addition it calls upon governments to create new mechanisms to make forest agencies accountable to local populations. For REDD-plus, the principle implies the need to open decision-making processes at local, national and global scales to forest people and their representative organizations. Participation in decision making can be enhanced in many ways, such as the decentralization of forest management to elected local governments and villagers’ participation in the management of local forests. Forest people must be involved in the design, development and implementation of REDD-plus actions from the outset, as recognized by the AWG-LCA in December 2009.

Equitable distribution of forest benefits is the second principle, and this was not acknowledged by the AWG-LCA. Equitable distribution may take the form of redistribution of forest tenure to redress the historical exclusion of forest people from ownership, as is happening in many countries. It may also demand an equitable sharing of benefits derived from forests, such as giving forest people fair shares in logging receipts, payments for environmental services, and the profits generated through community-company partnerships. For REDD-plus, the principle implies that its benefits should be distributed between forest people and other stakeholders in an equitable manner, which can occur through several mechanisms such as additional transfers of forest tenure, codification of carbon rights, and equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. The design of REDD-plus avoids exacerbating forest people’s historical dispossession only if it incorporates safeguards against elite capture of benefits.

The third principle, recognition, refers to forest peoples’ particular identities, experiences and visions, as many forest peoples see themselves as outside the cultural mainstream and find their own cultures devalued. Acknowledgement of social and cultural differences helps to overcome stigmas attached to forest peoples and to prevent the loss of diverse cultures. The principle of recognition demands that REDD-plus pays explicit attention to forest peoples’ cultural, social and economic identities and historical experiences of exclusion. Obvious tensions exist between forest peoples’ particular visions of desirable lifestyles, customary economies and forest ecosystems, on the one hand, and the global bias towards high-carbon lifestyles, economies and forests, on the other. Explicit recognition of underlying social and cultural differences will help to address this tension and requires further attention by the AWG-LCA.

The Need for Nested Forest and Climate Governance

Because rights cannot be simply defined in a uniform and universal manner at the global scale, REDD-plus requires nested governance extending from the global to the national and local scales. Only when transnational definitions, national law and local claims match to a sufficient degree will shared and robust understandings of rights emerge. Rights only gain concrete meaning in specific settings, and their concretization involves value-laden choices. At the same time, the definition of rights at higher scales is only meaningful if it includes effective participation from lower scales, particularly local voices. Otherwise, efforts to recognize forest people’s rights may easily generate counterproductive effects. There are already too many examples where well-intended attempts to enhance forest people’s rights have gone awry because they failed to build in space for decision making at local, national and global scales and to link decision processes with each other (Sikor and Tran, 2007).

Nested governance occurs through decision-making processes at multiple levels. Such processes will enable the definition of different types of forest rights at different scales. Global decisions will result in generalized notions of moral entitlement that are sufficiently flexible to accommodate variation across nations and localities. National rights definitions will establish more specific legal relationships and procedures that apply uniformly across national territories. Yet it is only at the local level that actors determine the concrete bundles of rights and duties regarding specific forest resources and functions as well as their distribution among stakeholders. The need for decision-making processes at multiple levels implies that for REDD-plus, the current focus on global negotiations and incipient attention to national processes requires complementary efforts at the local level.

The decision-making processes will need to relate to each other across scales. Cross-scale relations imply that processes at any particular scale involve stakeholders from the other scales. In this way, decision making considers the definitions of rights established at various scales. At the same time, cross-scale relations also offer space for stakeholders to voice their demands at more than one scale, providing additional opportunities for inclusive decision making (Singh, 2009). Cross-scale relations will obviously require radical changes in current forest governance, in particular renewed efforts to include both local and global stakeholders in national decision-making processes. Incipient attempts by the UN-REDD Program and the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility to assist national consultations involving transnational stakeholders and forest people’s representatives provide grounds for optimism.

Recognition to forest people’s rights is a challenge for the global climate agenda, as illustrated by the eventual failure of the Copenhagen Accord to include any explicit reference. The mitigation of climate change requires not only new technologies and financial incentives: appropriate governance is a critical prerequisite. Moreover, efforts to improve forest and climate governance cannot be directed at the global scale only, although global-scale institutions are important. They require nested governance including decision-making processes at multiple scales and across scales. The road ahead is messy. But there is no choice if humanity wants to undertake effective and equitable actions to mitigate climate change. In this way, REDD-plus and the recognition to forest people’s rights may even lead the way to broader changes in climate governance.

References

Campese, J., Sunderland, T., Greiber, T., Oviedo, G. (eds.) 2009. Rights-based Approaches: Exploring Issues and Opportunities for Conservation, CIFOR and IUCN, Bogor.

Ribot, J.C., Chhatre, A., Lankina, T. 2008. Institutional Choice and Recognition in the Formation and Consolidation of Local Democracy. Conservation and Society 6, 1-11.

Sikor, T., Tran N.T. 2007. Exclusive versus Inclusive Devolution in Forest Management: Insights from Forest Land Allocation in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Land Use Policy 24, 644-653.

Singh, N. 2009. Environmental Subjectivity, Democratic Assertions and Re-imagination of Forest Governance in Orissa, India. Ph.D. thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing.

Sunderlin, W.D., Hatcher, J., Liddle, M. 2008. From Exclusion to Ownership? Challenges and Opportunities in Advancing Forest Tenure Reform, Rights and Resources Initiative, Washington, DC.

United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), AWG-LCA, Draft decision -/CP.15, Add.

6, posted to unfccc.int on 12/15/2009.

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Population用法 population是一个集合名词(无复数形式),它的用法有时较为特殊,所以很容易用错。 下面谈一下它的用法: 一、population常与定冠词the连用,作主语用时,谓语动词常用第三人称单数形式。 例如: The world\'s population is increasing faster and faster. 全世界的人口增长得越来越快。 At the beginning of the twentieth century, the world\'s population was about 1,700 million. 在二十世纪初,全世界的人口大约是十七亿。 二、当主语是表示\"人口的百分之几、几分之几\"时,谓语动词用复数形式。 例如: About seventy percent of the population in China are farmers. 中国大约有百分之七十的人口是农民。 三、有时population可用作可数名词,其前可用不定冠词。 例如: China has a population of about 1.3 billion. (=There is a population of about 1.3 billion in China.) 中国大约有十三亿人口。 New York is a big city with a population of over 10 million. 纽约是一个有一千多万人口的大城市。 在表示多个地区的人口时,population要用复数形式populations。 例如: Many parts of the world, which once had large populations and produced plenty of crops, have become deserts. 世界上很多地区一度人口众多,种植大量的农作物;现在,这些地区已经变成了沙漠。 四、表示人口的\"多\"或\"少\",不用\"much\"或\"little\",而要用\"large\"或\"small\"。 例如: India has a large population. 印度人口众多。 Singapore has a small population. 新加坡人口少。 五、询问某国、某地有多少人口时,不用\"How much...?\",而用\"How large...?\";在问具体人口时用\"What...?\" 例如: -How large is the population of your hometown? 你们家乡有多少人口? -The population of our hometown is nearly twice as large as that of yours. 我们家乡的人口是你们家乡人口的将近两倍。 -What is the population of Canada? 加拿大的人口有多少? -The population of Canada is about 29 million. 加拿大的人口大约有二千九百万。 六、population还表示\"某地、某类的动、植物或物品的总数\"。 例如: In India, however, the population of tigers has increased, from 2,000 in 1972 to about 5,000 in 1989. 然而在印度,老虎的总数已从1972年的2,000只增长到了1989年的大约5,000只。

英语中名词的用法

精心整理 一、英语中各种词性的用法及解释 1.名词 名词可以分为专有名词(ProperNouns)和普通名词(CommonNouns)。 专有名词是某个(些)人,地方,机构等专有的名称,如Beijing,China等。(不是专有名词就是普通名词) (1 2)不规则变化情况 ①以o结尾的名词,变复数时: a.加s,如:photo---photospiano---pianosradio---radioszoo---zoos; b.加es,如:potato—potatoestomato—tomatoes

(基本规律:有生命性质的词在后面加es,否则加s) ②以f或fe结尾的名词变复数时: a.加s,如:belief---beliefsroof---roofssafe---safesgulf---gulfs; b.去f,fe加-ves,如: half---halvesknife---knivesleaf---leaveswolf---wolveswife---wiveslife---live sthief---thieves; , , news (2)名词的格 1)在英语中有些名词可以加"'s"来表示所有关系,带这种词尾的名词形式称 为该名词的所有格,如:ateacher'sbook。名词所有格的规则如下: 2)单数名词词尾加"'s",复数名词词尾没有s,也要加"'s",如theboy'sbag 男孩的书包,men'sroom男厕所。

3)若名词已有复数词尾-s,只加"'",如:theworkers'struggle工人的斗争。 4)凡不能加"'s"的名词,都可以用"名词+of+名词"的结构来表示所有关系,如:thetitleofthesong歌的名字。 5)在表示店铺或教堂的名字或某人的家时,名词所有格的后面常常不出现它所修饰的名词,如:thebarber's理发店。 6)如果两个名词并列,并且分别有's,则表示"分别有";只有一个's,则 解析: 4.Anold_______wantstoseeyou. A.people B.person C.thepeople D.theperson 解析:person与people都有”人”的意思,但用法不同.“一个人”用“aperson”, “两个人”用“twopersons”;people泛指“人们”是集合名词,表示复数,thepeople指“人民”,apeople指“一个民族”.应选B。

初中英语名词—集合名词

初中英语名词—集合名词 这类集合名词包括family (家庭),team (队),class (班),audience (听众), party,personnel,profession,population,staff,school,team,tribe(部落,部民),union,university等,其用法特点为:若视为整体,表示单数意义;若考虑其个体成员,表示复数意义。比较并体会:His family is large、他的家是个大家庭。His family are all waiting for him、他的一家人都在等他。This class consists of45 pupils、这个班由45个学生组成。This class are reading English now、这个班的学生在读英语。The staff is /are hardworking、The audience were moved to tears、第二类形式为单数,但意义永远为复数这类集合名词包括 cattle(牛,牲畜),people(人),police(警察), clergy,faculty(教职工), herd,mankind,military,militia(民团、民兵),poultry(家禽),swine (猪),vermin,womankind等,其用法特点为:只有单数形式, 但却表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语用复数;不与 a(n) 连用,但可与the连用(表示总括意义和特指)。如:People will laugh at you、人们会笑你的。The police are looking for him、警察在找他。Many cattle were killed for this、

(完整word版)英语中名词的用法

一、英语中各种词性的用法及解释 1.名词 名词可以分为专有名词(Proper Nouns)和普通名词(Common Nouns)。 专有名词是某个(些)人,地方,机构等专有的名称,如Beijing,China等。 (不是专有名词就是普通名词) (1)名词变复数的方法 1)规则的变复数的方法 2)不规则变化情况 ①以o 结尾的名词,变复数时: a. 加s,如:photo---photos piano---pianos radio---radios

zoo---zoos; b. 加es,如:potato—potatoes tomato—tomatoes (基本规律:有生命性质的词在后面加es,否则加s) ②以f或fe 结尾的名词变复数时: a. 加s,如:belief---beliefs roof---roofs safe---safes gulf---gulfs; b. 去f, fe 加-ves,如:half---halves knife---knives leaf---leaves wolf---wolves wife---wives life---lives thief---thieves; ③名词复数的不规则变化 child---children foot---feet tooth---teeth mouse---mice man---men woman---women ④单复同形如:deer,sheep,fish,Chinese,Japanese 集体名词,以单数形式出现,但实为复数。 如:people police cattle 等本身就是复数,不能说a people,a police,a cattle,但可以说a person,a policeman,a head of cattle, the English,the British,the French,the Chinese,the Japanese,the Swiss 等名词,表 示国民总称时,作复数用。 ⑤以s结尾,仍为单数的名词,如: ⑥maths,politics,physics等学科名词,为不可数名词,是单数。news 是 不可数名词。 (2)名词的格 1)在英语中有些名词可以加"'s"来表示所有关系,带这种词尾的名词形式称为 该名词的所有格,如:a teacher's book。名词所有格的规则如下:

英语集合名词

?集合名词: 是语言学上的一个专有名词,意指一种可用来指称一群对象的词,而这些对象,可以是人、动物、或是一群概念等事物。 例如:family (家庭),cattle (牛, 牲畜),goods (货物),baggage/luggage (行李),hair (头发, 毛发),fruit (水果) ?集合名词分类及用法特点: 第一类 形式为单数,但意义可以用为单数或复数这类集合名词 包括family(家庭),team(队),class(班),audience(听众)等。 其用法特点为: 若视为整体,表示单数意义;若考虑其个体成员,表示复数意义。 比较并体会: His family is large. 他的家是个大家庭。 His family are all waiting for him. 他的一家人都在等他。 This class consists of 45 pupils. 这个班由45个学生组成。 This class are reading English now. 这个班的学生在读英语。 第二类 形式为单数,但意义永远为复数这类集合名词 包括cattle(牛,牲畜),people(人),police(警察)等。 其用法特点为: 只有单数形式, 但却表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语用复数;不与a(n) 连用,但可与the连用(连用)。

如:People will laugh at you. 人们会笑你的。 The police are looking for him. 警察在找他。 Many cattle were killed for this. 就因为这个原因宰了不少牲畜。 注:表示牲畜的头数,用单位词head(单复数同形)。 如:five head of cattle 5头牛,fifty (head of ) cattle 50头牛 第三类 形式为复数,意义也为复数这类集合名词包括goods(货物), clothes(衣服)等。 其用法特点是: 只有复数形式(当然也表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语也用复数),但通常不与数词连用。 如:Clothes dry slowly in the rainy season. 衣服在雨季不易干。 Such clothes are very expensive. 那样的衣服很贵。 If goods are not well made you should complain to the manufacturer. 如果货物质量不好,则理应向制造商提出控诉。 第四类 形式为单数,意义也为单数这类集合名词 包括baggage / luggage(行李), clothing(衣服), furniture(家具), machinery(机器), poetry(诗), scenery(风景),jewelry(珠宝), equipment(设备)等。 其用法特点为: 是不可数名词,只用单数形式,不用不定冠词(当然更不能用数词),没有复数形式。 如:Our clothing protects us from [against] the cold. 我们的衣服可以御寒。 The thief stole all her jewelry. 小偷把她所有的首饰都偷走了。

高中英语集合名词的分类梳理

高中英语集合名词的分类梳理 英语中的集合名词是高考经常考查的一个考点,它主要涉及集合名词的可数性、单复数意义、主谓一致、恰当的修饰语等。为了便于理解和记忆,我们将一些常考的集合名词分为以下几类,并分别简述其有关用法特点: 第一类:形式为单数,但意义可以用为单数或复数 这类集合名词包括family(家庭),team(队),class(班),audience(听众)等,其用法特点为:若视为整体,表示单数意义;若考虑其个体成员,表示复数意义。比较并体会: His family is large. 他的家是个大家庭。 His family are all waiting for him. 他的一家人都在等他。 This class consists of 45 pupils. 这个班由45个学生组成。 This class are reading English now. 这个班的学生在读英语。 第二类:形式为单数,但意义永远为复数 这类集合名词包括cattle(牛,牲畜),people(人),police(警察)等,其用法特点为:只有单数形式, 但却表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语用复数;不与a(n) 连用,但可与the连用(表示总括意义和特指)。如: People will laugh at you. 人们会笑你的。 The police are looking for him. 警察在找他。 Many cattle were killed for this. 就因为这个原因宰了不少牲畜。 注:表示牲畜的头数,用单位词head(单复数同形)。如: five head of cattle 5头牛,fifty (head of ) cattle 50头牛

英语中形容词的用法

英语中形容词的用法 定义 形容词是用来修饰名词的词,一般放在所修饰的名词前面。 作用 形容词在句中作定语,表语,宾语补足语。 她是一个好学生,她学习努力。She is a good student, and she works hard. 这辆自行车很贵。This bike is expensive. 对不起,我现在很忙。I am sorry, I'm busy now. 你为这次会议做好准备了吗? Have you got everything ready for the meeting? 在句中的位置 形容词作定语一般放在被修饰的名词之前。如果有两个或两个以上的形容词修饰一个名词时,则由它们和被修饰的名词之间的密切程度而定,越密切的形容词越靠近名词。如果几个形容词的密切程度差不多则按音节少的形容词放在前面,音节多的形容词放在后面。 英语单词中something, anything, nothing 等不定代词被形容词修饰时,形容词放在不定代词后面。 I have something important to tell you. 我有重要的事要告诉你。 Is there anything interesting in the film? 电影里有什么有趣的内容吗? There is nothing dangerous here. 这儿一点都不危险。 由两个或两个以上的词组成的形容词词组修饰名词时须放在名词之后。 This is the book easy to read.

这是一本容易读的书。 用 and 或 or 连接起来的两个形容词作定语时一般把它们放在被修饰的名词后面。起进一步解释的作用。 Everybody, man and woman, old and young, should attend the meeting. 每一个人,男女老少,都应该参加会议。 You can take any box away, big or small. 这些箱子,不管大小,你都可以拿走。 比较级和最高级 绝大多数形容词有三种形式,原级,比较级和最高级,以表示形容词说明的性质在程度上的不同。 形容词的比较级和最高级形式是在形容词的原级形式的基础上变化的。 分为规则变化和不规则变化。 规则变化 1)单音节形容词的比较级和最高级形式是在词尾加-er 和-est 构成。 great (原级) greater(比较级) greatest(最高级) 2)以-e 结尾的单音节形容词的比较级和最高级是在词尾加-r 和-st 构成。 wide (原级) wider (比较级) widest (最高级) 3)少数以-y, -er, -ow, -ble结尾的双音节形容词的比较级和最高级是在词尾加-er 和-est 构成。 clever(原级) cleverer(比较级) cleverest(最高级) 4)以-y 结尾,但-y 前是辅音字母的形容词的比较级和最高级是把-y 去掉,加上-ier 和-iest 构成. happy (原形) happier (比较级) happiest (最高级) 5)以重读闭音节+辅音字母结尾的形容词的比较级和最高级是双写该辅音字母然

六年级上册Unit 6 Famous People 教案

六年级上册 Unit 6 Famous People Lesson 31 教案 【教材简析】 本课选自义务教育课程标准试验教科书,《新起点英语》(人教版)。 Lesson31是该套教材六年级上册,第六单元第一课时。本课主要围绕“名人”的话题展开。 本套教材,从六年级上册起,已进入复习。每单元所呈现的内容,都是在以前所学知识的基础上,进行拓展延伸,引出新的话题,意在发展学生的综合语言运用能力。 该套教材中,知识点的承接性也很强。在第5单元,学生熟练掌握年、月、日的读法,为第六单元31课中,名人出生年份表达的顺利达成,奠定了坚实的基础。并且,教材对于目标单词的设定,安排非常精心。例如:artist在五年级上册第38课Artist’s Life中出现;Danish在六年级上册第23课中出现过,而这些单词在当时学习时,并未作为目标词汇学习。这样的安排,既体现了教材的循序渐进,又体现了教学内容的连贯性,同时也符合学生的知识水平和认知水平。【学情分析】 教师执教六年级的学生,要让学生对继续学习英语有兴趣,已不能单纯依靠中低年级的游戏教学。课堂教学的设计更多地注重与学生思维的碰撞。教师精心备课,充分准备教学素材,将课本知识全方位,多角度,立体化地呈现在学生面前。教师在教学中面向全体学生,以学生的发展为宗旨,始终把激发学生的学习兴趣放在首位,让学生在学习中乐于参与、积极合作、主动请教,初步形成对英语的感知能力。 教师执教班级学生程度较好,教师在设计本课时,有意增大信息量的输入,使本课更加丰满,以此激发学生的学习兴趣。 【教学内容】 1. 词汇: (1)有关职业的词汇:actor, artist, writer, inventor, scientist, musician (2)有关国籍的词汇:Danish,German 2. 交际用语:

中考英语名词所有格的用法讲解

名词所有格的用法 1.名词的格的种类 英语名词有三个格,即主格、宾格和所有格。名词的主格和宾格形式相同,所以它们又统称作通格。当名词用作主语、宾语、表语时,用通格。英语名词的所有格表示所属关系, 它分-?s所有格和of所有格两种形式。 Tom loves Mary.(Tom为主格,Mary为宾格,均为通格形式) Tom?s best friend is Mary.(Tom?s是所有格,Mary为通格) The title of the book is interesting. (of the book为所有格) 2. -?s所有格的构成方法 (1)一般情况(包括单数名词和不带词尾s的复数名词)加-?s: children?s books儿童图书 today?s paper今天的报纸 (2)带词尾s的复数名词只加省字撇(…): girls? school女子学校 the Smiths? car史密斯家的小汽车 注: 带词尾s的单数名词,通常仍加?s: the boss?s plan老板的计划 the hostess?s worry女主人的担心 (3)带词尾s的人名,可加?s或只加省字撇(…):

Dickens? novels狄更斯的小说 Charles?s job查理斯的工作 不带词尾-s却以咝音结尾者,一律加?s: Marx?s works马克思的著作 George?s room乔治的房间 (4)用and连接的并列连词的所有格要分两种情况,即表示各自的所有关系时,要分别在并列连词后加-?s,表示共同的所有关系时,只在最后一个名词后加-?s: Tom?s and Jim?s rooms汤姆和吉姆(各自)的房间 Tom and Jim?s rooms汤姆和吉姆(共同)的房间 3. -?s所有格的用法 -?s所有格主要用于有生命的东西,但有时也可用于无生命的东西,这主要见于: (1)用于表时间的名词后: tomorrow?s weather明天的天气 two days? journey两天的旅程 比较: ten minutes? break = a ten-minute break 10分钟的休息 (2)用于表国家、城市的名词后: America?s polic y美国的政策 the city?s population这个城市的人口 (3)用于某些集合名词后:

集合名词用法集名家整理

英语集合名词用法说明 一、family类 形单,意义可单可复 family(家庭),team(队),class(班),audience(听众)等集合名词,其用法特点为:若视为整体,表示单数意义;若考虑其个体成员,表示复数意义。比较:This class consists of 45 pupils. 这个班由4 5个学生组成。 This class are reading English now. 这个班 的学生在读英语。 二、baggage类 形单,意单 baggage / luggage(行李), clothing(衣服), fu rniture(家具), machinery ][m??i:n?ri](机器), poetry(诗) 诗意,诗情[po?tri], scenery [sin?r i] (风景), jewelry [d?u?lri] (珠宝), equipmen t [?kw?pm?nt] (设备),traffic交通,等, 其用法特点为:是不可数名词,只用单数形式,不用不定冠词(当然更不能用数词),没有复数形式:five people:tr aveler-baggage / luggage(行李), clothing(衣服) ] poet[?po?t]: poetry(诗) 诗意,诗情[po?tri], scenery [sin?ri] (风景), manufacturer[m?nju ?f?kt??r?]制造者:furniture(家具), machiner y(机器) jewelry [d?u?lri] (珠宝), equipment [?kw?pm?nt] (设备)police: traffic交通Our clothing protects us from [against] the cold. 我们的衣服可以御寒。 Have you checked all your baggage 你所有行 李都托运了吗 【注】machinery, poetry, jewelry][d?u?l], scenery等相应的个体可数名词是 machine, poem, je wel, scene等。如:a poem [p?uim] / a piece of poetry(一首诗),many machines / much machinery / many pieces of machinery(许多机器)。 三、police类 形单,意复 cattle(牛,牲畜),poultry[poltri]家禽,peopl e(人),police(警察)等集合名词,其用法特点为:只有单数形式, 但却表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语用复数;不与 a(n) 连用,但可与the连用(表示总括意义和特指): People will laugh at you. 人们会笑你的。 The police are looking for him. 警察在找他。 Many cattle were killed for this. 就因为这 个原因宰了不少牲畜。 【注】表示牲畜的头数,用单位词 head(单复数同形):three head of cattle (3头牛),twenty (head of ) cattle (20头牛)。 四、goods类 形复,意复 goods(货物), clothes(衣服)trouses,shoes,gla sses等,其用法特点是:只有复数形式(当然也表示复数意义,用作主语时谓语也用复数),但通常不与数词连用: Such clothes are very expensive. 那样的衣服很贵。 To whom do these goods belong 这些货是谁的 五,news类 形复,意单 News,works工厂, physics物理,politices[pɑl ?t?ks]政治,mathematics数学 五、hair的用法 hair(头发,毛发)指全部头发或毛发时,为集合名词(不可数);指几根头发或毛发时,为个体名词(可数):My hair has grown very long. 我的头发已长得很长了。 The police found two hairs there. 警察在那 儿找到了两根头发。 六、mankind的用法

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