Bush's Inaugural Address
I thank you all. Chief Justicer Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it
means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: ``We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the
strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?'' Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
乔治·布什就职演说
2000年1月20日中午，乔治·沃尔克·布什宣誓就任美国第54任总统，其就职仪式持续了近一个小时。他在仪式上发表了12分钟的就职演说。
谢谢大家！尊敬的Renquist大法官、卡特总统、布什总统、克林顿总统、尊敬的来宾、同胞们：
这次政权的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我既觉得荣幸，也觉得谦卑。在我之前，有许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置。我们还在继续推动历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部美国成为友人和旧社会解放者的新世界发展史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会史。这就是美国史。它不是一部完美无缺的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现中的美国的承诺，即：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成我们的国家过去在追求这个承诺途中有时曾停滞不前，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225
年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓
公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家更具美国特色。
今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。
美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。
当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。
有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由
在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言：“每一天我们都被召唤怀着挚爱之心去做一些小事情。”一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处世的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而绝不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来滋养我们的时代。你们大家所做的一切和政府所做的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益。要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边的小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为公民，是真正的公民而不是旁观者；是真正的公民而不是臣民；是有责任心的公民，共同一起建设一个互助的社会和一个有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、坚强、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，任何政府计划都无法补救。一旦这种精神出现了，任何错误都无法与它抗衡。
在《独立宣言》签署后，弗吉尼亚洲的政治家John Page曾给Thomas Jefferson写信说：“我们知道，身手敏捷的不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大的不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是冥冥之中安排的吗？”
Jefferson就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是Jefferson作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完结的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有的人生命的尊严。这项工作必须继续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国！
英文版 MR. OBAMA: Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of H appiness.” Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of,
1974年美国总统福特就职演说 （文章一）：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear
奥巴马就职演讲稿原文 [ 2008-11-05 14:37 ] If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer. It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference. It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled – Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America. It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and
My fellow citizens: 各位同胞： I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. 今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠于创建我国的法统。 So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. 因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人必须承继下去。 That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正处于对抗深远暴力和憎恨的战争。我们的经济元气大伤，是某些人贪婪且不负责任的后果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，为国家进入新时代做淮备所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意垮了。我们的医疗照护太昂贵，学校教育辜负了许多人。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。 These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失—持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met. 今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。 On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
Hello, Chicago. If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is aplace where all things ar e possible, who still wonders if the dreamof our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is youranswer. 美国是一个一切皆有可能的地方，如果还有人对这一点心存怀疑，如果还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们时代是否还有活力，还有人怀疑我们民主制度的力量，那么，你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答。 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers thi s nation hasnever seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for th e first time in their lives,because they believed that this time must be different, that th eir voices could be that difference. 在学校和教堂周围所出现的前所未有的长队是答案，这个国家从未见过这么多的人前来投票，人们排三个、四个小时的队来进行有生以来的第一次投票，因为他们相信这一次将会不同，他们发出的声音可能就是那个差别。 It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, bl ack, white,Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent amessage to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of redstates and blue states. 这是一个年轻人和年老人、富人和穷人、民主党人和共和党人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和异性恋、残障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。美国人向世界发出一个信息：我们从不只是一些个人的累加或者“红色州”和“蓝色州”的累加。 We are, and always will be, the United States of America. 我们是，并且永远是美利坚合众国。 It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical a nd fearful anddoubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of hist ory and bend it once moretoward the hope of a better day. 这是一个引导人们的答案，太多的人在很长的时间内给他们说这个答案，以至于他们对此持愤世疾俗的态度，对我们是否可以再一次把握历史的希望感到担心和怀疑。 It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this e lection at thisdefining moment change has come to America. 已经过去了很长时间，但是今晚，由于我们今天在这场选举所采取的行动，在这个决定性的时候，变革来到了美国。 A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen. M cCain. 今晚早些时候，我接到来自参议员麦凯恩的一个极具风度的电话。
2017年奥巴马就职演讲稿英文原稿(附中文翻译) 篇一：奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文对照 奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文对照 (CNN) -- Barack Obama was sworn in as the 44th president of the United States and the nation's first African-American president Tuesday. This is a transcript of his prepared speech. In his speech Tuesday, President Obama said America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace. My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside
摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147
奥巴马获胜演讲全文 President-elect Barack Obama smiles as he gives his acceptance speech at Grant Park in Chicago Tuesday night, Nov. 4, 2008. 以下是奥巴马(Barack Obama)竞选总统成功后在芝加哥演讲准备的讲稿: If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer. It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference. It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled – Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America. It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day. It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America. I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead. I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of
肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析
摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析 一．引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二．文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，