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外文翻译--中小企业,技术与全球化

外文翻译--中小企业,技术与全球化
外文翻译--中小企业,技术与全球化

外文文献翻译

(2013届)

译文一:中小企业,技术与全球化1译文二:中小企业,技术与全球化2

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Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises, Technology, and Globalization:Introduction to a Special Issueon Small and Medium-Sized

Zoltan J. Acs

Enterprises in the Global Economy

Lee Preston

Abstract. This paper is an introduction to the special issue on Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises in the Global Economy. The paper gives a broad outline of globalization, the role of technology, and examines the role that small and medium-sized enterprises play in the global economy. We focus on foreign direct investment of small technology based firms and how their innovations diffuse into the global economy

There is little question that economic activity of all types is moving in the direction of globalization. As we approach the 21st century, a worldwide system of production and distribution is evolving, in much the same way as national markets evolved from local and regional networks

during the 19th century (Chandler, 1990). In nearly every economically active country of the world, the importance of international trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) have risen significantly over the last decade. The growth of FDI has been particularly dramatic, increasing more rapidly than either world production or world trade. As a result, both inbound and outbound FDI stocks have increased relative to total investment and gross domestic product in nearly every country (Dunning, 1995).

Globalization refers to the web of linkages and interconnections between states, societies, and organizations that make up the present world economic system. Globalization creates new structures and new relationships, with the result that business decisions and actions in one part of the world have significant consequences in other places. Underlying and reinforcing these globalization trends is the rapidly changing technological environment, particularly in biotechnology, information processing, and telecommunications. Changes in telecommunications and data processing capabilities make it possible to coordinate research, marketing and production operation around the world. Almost instantaneous communications makes it possible to trade financial instruments twenty-four hours a day: and thus more return-sensitive are location of resources within firms, industries and countries.

The growth of global markets stimulates competition and forces governments to adopt market-oriented policies, both domestically and internationally. Modern technologies have greatly

reduced the cost of information and the capabilities to participate in the global economy (Dunning,

1993). Countries must join the club. Policies that aim to exclude global participation via trade and investment barriers can be easily circumvented, and they keep no hostages but deprive the countries of global prosperity.

Along with the globalization trend, contemporary technical advances are demanding a much closer synthesis and more integrative learning between innovative and production activities.

The pressures of global competition force producers to continually innovate, and to upgrade the quality of existing products. Yet, at the same time, many firms can no longer acquire or afford all the technological and human resources that they need. Increasingly, they form interdependent and flexible relationships with other firms –including suppliers and competing firms –to fully capitalize on their core competencies (GomesCasseres,1996). Interdependence calls for a capacity on the part of firms, individuals, and governments to interact with speed, flexibility and creativity to the actions of other agents (de la Mothe and Paquet,1996) In this new environment knowledge and intellectual labor are being mobilized on a more collaborative basis. Firms must develop human resource strategies based on synthesis with educational institutions. They must locate design and production facilities in metropolitan areas that allow partnerships with suppliers and educational institutions, and in places served by governments committed to business-friendly policies. The main form of economic organization in intermediary product markets is increasingly a network of inter firm cooperative arrangements, rather than the large hierarchical firm (Reich, 1992).

Advancement in technologies and management skills have blurred firm boundaries. Before 1980 most FDI was of the “stand alone” variety. Each Multinational Enterprise (MNE) would exploit its own home-based competitive advantages and coordinate related intra-firm activities across national boundaries through internal mechanisms. More recently, however, MNEs are expanding their territorial and functional horizons by acquiring, or gaining access to, new resources and capabilities. The critical feature of strategic asset-seeking FDI, as opposed to market-seeking FDI, is that participating firms recognize that their stand-alone resources and capabilities are insufficient to sustain their international competitiveness, and that they need to draw upon resources and capabilities of others to achieve this goal. While there are may reasons why firms form alliances with other firms, the great majority of those concluded over the past decade have been to gain access to new product or process, technologies and organizational competencies, especially those perceived necessary to advance their core competencies

Globalization challenges management and students of business economics. According to conventional wisdom, most transnational business activities, particularly those involving FDI or cross-border alliances, are traditionally carried out by large firms. In addition, some people have believed that technological change requires increasingly large scale total operations, along with increasing size of research and development resources. These views would lead one to expect that small enterprises would decline in importance as they become overwhelmed by global firms exploiting economies of scale.

As the readers of this Journal well know, there is considerable evidence that these commonly held views are no longer correct. Depending upon the measure of business size examined, the long-term trend toward increasing firm size either decelerated, ceased, or reversed itself sometime between the late 1960s and the late 1970s (Acs, 1996). This leads to an interesting question: “Is the apparent resurgence of smaller firms due to the emergence of a dynamic, vital innovative entrepreneurial sector, or is it due to the inability of large incumbent MNEs to prevail in a technologically dynamic global environment?”Harrison (1994) has argued that the role of

SMEs has been overestimated, and that MNEs have been able to prosper in the new global environment by combining four basic building blocks: returning to their core competencies; using new information technologies; forming strategic alliances; and eliciting more active

collaboration from their workers. However, this view overlooks the synergy between large and small firms, the strong attachment of small firms to their local economies, the role of small firms in technological change, and the role they play in the growth and evolution of industries (Acs, 1995). In fact,

there is ample evidence that small and medium sized enterprise (SMEs) have not only flourished in domestic economies, but that their international presence has grown as well (UNCTAD, 1993; Masataka, 1995a and 1995b; Admiraal, 1996; and Buckley et al., in press). However, very little is

known about the processes by which SMEs participate in the global economy. 10 For this reason, the Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER) at the University of Maryland organized a conference of experts on “Small and Medium Sized Enterprises and the Global Economy”, held on October 20, 1995. The conference was organized by Zoltan J. Acs,

then Associate Director of CIBER. The primary focus of the conference was on the role that technology and network organizations play in the global activities of SMEs. Participants in this

conference examined the role of SMEs in the identification of technological opportunity, technological diversity and geographical localization, technology transfer, R&D spillovers, strategic alliances, and the international diffusion of innovations. The papers appearing in this special issue of Small Business Economics are revised versions of those presented on that occasion.

An overview of SME participation in the global economy reveals at least three lines of activity: trade, technology, and investment. The most commonly discussed topic in SMEs international literature is their role as exporters from their domestic jurisdictions to foreign customers. The opportunities and challenges facing SMEs in this role are well known. The conference papers do not address these topics in any detail. Instead, they see that export activity as linked to the other activities that are given greater emphasis here. The second most prominent issue in the literature is SMEs and technology, and particularly SME supplier connections with larger MNEs in local markets. In their simplest form, these connections involve “intra-national exports,” that is, domestic sales to foreign firms, who happen to be operating within the home country of the supplier. The importance of these connections is stressed by Porter (1993), in his discussion of the role of “related and supporting industries”, and Dunning (1993) under the heading of “linkages and spillover effects” of MNEs. These connections came up for explicit attention at the conference primarily in connection with technological opportunity, technologic diversity, technology transfer, and R&D spillovers. The emphasis was mostly ontransfer of technology from MNEs to their SME suppliers and costumers, although it was also acknowledged the MNEs might also acquire the appropriate technology from local SMEs, and possibly eventually acquire the SME firms them- selves as well.

The final issue is the SME role in investment, the connection between SMEs and FDI. SMEs may evolve as multinationals either through their own investments or as a result of the formation of alliances. The questions of why SMEs go abroad, how they do it, and what are the consequences of this activity are examined carefully in the papers in this volume. We start by examining the technological basis of SMEs. Though in aggregate SMEs spend less on R&D than large firms, they produce almost twice as many innovations on a per employee basis (Acs and Audretsch, 1990). In 1993 U.S., SMEs receive 3.8 percent of federal R&D dollars and performed 14.5 percent of company funded industrial R&D (U.S. National Science Foundation, 1996). In

1991 SMEs received 40 percent of all domestic utility patents granted in the UnitedStates (U.S Patent and Trademark Office, 1996). Recently Cohen and Klepper (1996) have suggested that while small firms may be superior in the generation of new knowledge, larger firms are superior in their ability to appropriate returns from these innovations, either by buying property rights, acquiring the firms or benefiting through spillovers. This raised two important questions: (1) Why are SMEs superior innovators in the first place? and (2) How do we explain the superior innovative performance of SMEs if they spend less on R&D than large firms? Why SMEs are superior innovators is examined in the first paper by Acs, Morck, Shaver and Yeung. The critical role of property rights in capitalist economies is becoming increasingly evident. Societies must protect innovators’ property rights to the gains from their innovations. An additional angle in the paper is that it also emphasizes an innovator’s property rights within an organization. An innovator in a large company

only has very limited property rights protection. The new product, process, etc. generally belongs to the firm, not the employee who invented it. This reduces creative employees’incentives to innovate for the company. The lack of clear property rights in large corporations creates perverse incentives for both employees and managers. Both can benefit from “free riding” on other people’s innovative efforts and results.

翻译:文摘。摘要本文介绍了特殊问题的中小企业在全球经济。本文给出了一个全球化的大纲,科技的作用,同时也将检视这个中小企业在全球经济中所扮演的这个角色。我们专注于外国直接投资的小公司和他们的技术为基础的创新扩散到全球经济的现象.毫无疑问,经济活动的类型是朝着全球化的方向。当我们接近21世纪,全球系统生产和分配的进步,在很大程度上与是由于国家市场从当地和地区网络进化而来的.

在20世纪(钱德勒,1990) 在过去的十年, 国际贸易和外国直接投资(FDI) 几乎在每个国家的经济活动中的重要性已经明显增加在.外国直接投资的增长尤其戏剧化,比世界生产或世界贸易增加更多。结果, 相对于总投资和国内生产总值几乎在每个国家(邓宁,1995)两个入站和出站FDI股票增加了。

全球化指的是web的状态之间的联系和社会和组织相互连接 ,弥补当前世界经济体系。全球化创造了新结构、新关系,结果导致业务决策和行动在一个世界的其他地方造成重大的影响,加强了这些全球化趋势是快速变化的技术环境,特别是在生物技术、信息处理和通信领域。电信和数据处理能力的增强使它可以协调研究在世界各地的生产作业和营销。几乎瞬时的通讯使人们有可能使用贸易金融工具一天24小时,因此更多的返回敏感位置内的资源公司、行业和国家.

全球市场的增长刺激竞争,迫使,在国内和国外政府采取以市场为导向的政策。现代技术大大降低了参与全球经济成本的信息和能力 (邓恩。1993)。国家必须加入俱乐部。政策旨在排除全球参与通过贸易和投资壁垒可以很容易地绕过,和他们保持没有人质但剥夺了国家的全球繁荣。

随着全球化趋势,现代技术进步要求一个更综合、更综合在创新和生产活动之间学习。全球竞争的压力迫使生产商不断创新和升级现有产品的质量。然而,与此同时,许多公司不再能够获得或提供所有的技术和人力资源,他们需要越来越多地与其他公司形成相互依赖和灵活的关系——包括供应商和相互竞争的公司——,充分利用他们的核心竞争力(GomesCasseres,1996)。相互依存呼吁部分公司、个人和政府与速度、灵活性和创造性的行为其他代理(de la Mothe和Paquet,1996)

在这个新环境的知识和智力劳动被动员起来更协作的基础。公司必须开发基于合成与教育机构的人力资源策略。他们必须找到在大都市地区设计和生产设施,允许合作伙伴与供应商和教育机构,服务于地方政府致力于商业友好政策。经济组织的主要形式在中间产品市场正日益成为一个网络公司的国际合作安排,而不是等级森严的大型公司(帝国,1992)。

在技术进步和管理技能之间有模糊公司边界。在1980年之前大多数外国直接投资是―独立‖品种。每个跨国企业(外资)将利用自己的以家庭为基础的竞争优势和协调相关公司内部活动跨越国界通过内部机制。最近,然而,跨国公司正在扩大他们的领土和功能的视野,或通过收购获得新资源与能力。关键特性的战略资产寻求外国直接投资,而不是市场寻求外国直接投资,参与公司承认他们的独立资源与能力都不足以维持他们的国际竞争力,他们需要利用别人的资源和能力来实现这一目标。虽然有可能某些原因与其他公司的公司结盟,绝大多数的那些总结过去十年一直为获得新产品或过程、技术和组织能力,尤其是那些认为需要推进他们的核心竞争力.

全球化挑战管理和商业经济学的学生。根据传统观念,大多数跨国商业活动,特别是那些涉及外国直接投资或跨国联盟,传统上是由大公司进行。此外,一些人认为,技术变革需要越来越大的规模总运算,以及增加大小的研究和开发的资源。这些观点会导致人们预计,小企业将下降,因为他们成为重要性被全球公司利用规模经济。

这杂志的读者一样清楚,有大量证据表明,这些普遍持有的观点不再是正确的。根据大小是衡量企业,长期趋势增加企业规模要么减慢,停止或逆转在本身之间的某个时候,1960年代末和1970年代后期(Acs,1996)。这导致一个有趣的问题:―是明显复苏的小公司由于出现了一个动态的、至关重要的创新企业部门,还是由于大型跨国公司的无能创造了在一个技术动态全球环境?―哈里森(1994)认为,这个角色

的中小企业已经被高估了,跨国公司已经能够繁荣在新的全球环境结合四个基本构建块:回到他们的核心竞争力;利用新的信息技术,形成战略联盟,诱发更积极合作从他们的工人。然而,这种观点忽略了大型和小型企业之间的协作,强劲的附件的小公司到当地经济发展的作用,小公司在技术变化,其扮演的角色的发展和演化的行业(Acs,1995)。事实上,有充分的证据表明,中小企业虽然在国内经济繁荣,但他们的

国际影响力增长是非常小的.为了知道过程,中小企业参与全球经济的这个原因,国际商业中心的教育和研究(CIBER)在马里兰大学组织了一次会议的专家在―中小型企业和全球经济》,1995年10月20日举行。这个会议是由佐尔坦?j . Acs担任CIBER副主任。会议的重点是在技术和网络组织的角色,发挥中小企业在全球活动的作用。参与者在这个会议检查了中小企业的作用在识别技术的机会,技术的多样性和地理定位、技术转让、研发外溢,战略联盟,国际扩散的创新。论文在这个特殊问题的小型商业经济的修订版本就出现在那个时候。

概述中小企业参与全球经济的揭示了至少有三个活动:贸易、技术、投资。最常讨论的话题在中小企业是他们作为出口商从国内司法管辖区外国客户。中小企业面临的机遇和挑战在这个角色是众所周知的。这个会议不解决这些主题在任何细节。相反,他们看到出口活动是作为链接到其他活动.强调了这里,第二个最突出的问题是中小企业和技术,特别是中小企业供应商关系与较大的跨国公司在当地的市场。最简单的形式,这些连接涉及―国内出口‖,即,国内销售给外国公司,那些碰巧操作在祖国的供应商。这些连接的重要性是强调通过波特(1993),在他的角色的讨论―相关和配套产业‖,邓宁(1993)标题下的―联系和溢出效应‖的跨国公司。这些连接是在会议上明确关注主要在连接技术的机会,技术多样性、技术转让、和研发外溢。重点主要是跨国公司的技术关于他们的中小企业供应商和客户,虽然它也承认,跨国公司也可能获得适当的技术从本地的中小企业外,并也可能最终获得他们自己的中小企业。最后的问题是中小企业的作用在投资,中小企业和外商直接投资之间的联系。中小企业可能演变为跨国公司通过自己的投资或结果的形成联盟。这个问题是为什么中小企业出国,他们是如何做到的,以及这样的结果是什么活动。我们将首先分析中小企业的技术基础。虽然在中小企业在研发上比大公司投入少,他们产生两倍的创新在每个员工的基础上。1993年,美国,中小企业获得3.8%的联邦研发经费和执行14.5%的公司资助工业研发(美国国家科学基金会,1996年)。中小企业在1991年得到40%的国内授权的实用专利在美国(U。年代专利和商标办公室,1996)。最近科恩和克莱伯(1996)表明,小公司将会产生新的知识,能比大公司的能力都优于适当回报这些创新,要么通过购买产权,收购这些公司或通过溢出中获益。这带来了两个重要问题:(1)为什么中小企业优越的创新者在第一个地方吗?(2)我们如何解释优越的创新性能的中小企业,如果他们在研发上比大公司投入少?为什么中小企业产权的重要角色在资本主义经济正变得越来越明显。社会必须保护创新者的财产权利从他们的创新的成果。它也强调一个创新者的产权组织中对比在一个大公司的革新者

只有非常有限的产权保护。新产品、过程等,一般属于公司,而不是员工谁发明了它。这减少了创造性的员工为公司创新动力。缺少明确的产权在大型企业创造了不正当的动机对于雇员和经理。两者都可以受益于―搭便车‖别人的创新努力和结果。

In contrast to innovative employees in largefirms, independent innovators can hold clear property rights, can have every incentive to undertake radical innovations, and can be largely free of red tape. Thus they argue that SMEs are better at creating radical innovations because they better protect the innovator’s property rights. Acs et al. further argue that the international diffusion of SMEs innovations is important for global economic welfare. However, SMEs have only limited operations abroad. One reason for this is barriers to entry. Barriers to entry that limit international expansion are systematically higher for SMEs than for larger firms. The other reason is that SMEs have less resources to protect their

property rights. The Authors suggest that these difficulties faced by SMEs in international markets can frequently be circumvented by using existing MNEs as international conduits for SMEs innovations. MNEs can thus be catalysts and facilitator of smaller firms’ international expansion. While direct expansion by SMEs is the subject of much discussion, the intermediated possibility had not been given much attention. However, such intermediated modes of expansion are adversely affected by transaction difficulties and inter mediator’s rent extraction, which are topics explored in greater details in Gomes Casseres, Kohn, and Eden’s papers. Acs etal. raise several conceptual considerations important in comparing the two modes of international expansion, and identify the conditions for private market arrangements to be efficient. They do not believe direct subsidies to SMEs going abroad are advisable.

How do we explain the superior innovative performance of SMEs? In a recent study Jaffe et al. (1993) analyzed patent citation data pertaining to domestic university and corporate patents to test the extent of localization of knowledge spillovers. Almeida and Kogut (1995) found that localization of patentable knowledge varies across regions. Semiconductor knowledge in the Silicon Valley and New York triangle tends to be localized. This suggests that complementarities are important. (Feldman, 1996). Recent literature has suggested that SMEs benefit from R&D spillovers from university research and private research at large firms (Acs, Audretsch and Feldman, 1994; and Anselin, Varga and Acs, 1996).

But why should this phenomenon of regionalnetworking benefit smaller firms rather than larger ones? One reason, perhaps, is that larger firms, because of their property rights and incentive structure, are more self reliant and do not emphasize building relationships with

other institutions in the region. By definition of a start up, the personnel in a new company will have a shorter tenure in the company, and recent experience in other firms.

To study the influence of geographic localization and technological diversity on innovation Almeida and Kogut in the second paper examine the origins of citations to 170 major patents in the semiconductor industry. Field research, consisting of interviews with semiconductor engineers and other informed individuals, served to complemented the patent analysis. They argue (1) that start ups gain their comparative innovative advantage by exploring new technological spaces that may be overlooked by larger firms, and (2) that this process is facilitated by regional networking which permits small firms to obtain and use knowledge more efficiently than large firms. They find that start-ups produce innovations in less crowded technological space than larger firms. That is, small firms are more likely to explore technologically diverse territories. Their empirical results pinpoint how smaller firms make radical innovations and compliment the theoretical conjecture in Acs et al. While knowledge is localized for both start-ups and other firms, start-ups are more closely tied into regional networks since they depend on networks for critical knowledge inputs. Knowledge was more localized for start-ups than other firms with groups of entrepreneurs playing a crucial role. If knowledge flows are localized, then firms located in distant regions are excluded from knowledge networks. It is this local character of the networks that is their potential link with globalization (Acs, de la Mothe and Pacquet, 1996). Therefore, small technology-based firms are attractive acquisition targets for MNEs interested in entering new technological networks. About 10 percent of the 38,000 new high tech establishments listed in the Corp Tech data base had foreign ownership in 1994 (Science and Engineering Indicators, 1996, pp. 6–29). The next two papers offer examples of the intermediated form of international expansion by SMEs. If small firms face higher barriers to entry in international operations than large firms, and have a more difficult time protecting their property rights, how can small firms become international players? When SMEs invest abroad they generally seek help. In the third paper, Gomes-Casseres examines the use of strategic alliances by SMEs. He asks three questions: (1) When do small firms use alliances to do business abroad? (2) How do small businesses use alliances? and (3) What effect do alliances have on firms competitive performance? The paper

defines a new unit of competition called a ―constellation‖. A constellation is a set of firms linked together by alliances. The paper finds that small firms can follow one of two different approaches to alliances, depending on their relative size. Firms that are small relative to competitors and to the requirements of the market tend to use alliances to reach scale and scope economies. Firms that are large relative to the same benchmark, rely on internal capabilities to expand.

In any event, the evidence shows that SMEs, against the expectations of many traditional scholars, are active players in the international arena. In the fourth paper, Kohn examines how SMEs play the international game when they choose not to team up with larger partners. He finds that most small multinational firms follow a “deep niche strategy‖. That is, their positions were characterized by market dominance and techno- logical leadership, and by a focus on producer goods. Also, small firms tend to invest in younger industries rather than more mature ones. In fact, Gomes-Casseres and Kohn (forthcoming) found that SMEs had fewer, not more, alliances than one might have expected. Do SMEs face higher transaction costs than MNEs in international expansion? The fifth paper in this issue examines the role of transaction costs in international expansion. Eden, Levitas and Martinez survey a large literature dealing with international business, entrepreneurship, and technical change; they provide a link between the technological literature on SMEs and the technological literature on MNEs. The paper examines three aspects of technology: (1) technology as a firm-specific advantage, (2) the costs of technology transfer, and (3) technology spillovers. In each case they outline current views and debates in the field about the role played by the large multinationals which, according to the statistical evidence, are the world’s principal technology producers. Finally, they compare the ability of large and small firms to profit from technology. They suggest that SMEs are less likely to be able to properly manage the technology transfer process when problems occur.

In terms of the costs of technology transfer, they suggest that SMEs may face higher transaction costs that large MNEs. Although SMEs, due to their relative size, benefit from reduced bureaucratic costs, they also have fewer resources to devote to search, negotiation, monitoring and enforcement efforts. They may also be more subject to opportunistic behavior

on the part of suppliers and buyers due to their smaller size and corresponding inability to retaliate. Finally, SMEs may be less likely to have a tight appropriability regime protecting their knowledge-base, and

therefore may face higher risks of dissipation and its attendant costs. This view is consistent with Cohen and Klepper (1996)

If small technology-based firms have in fact become international players, then how large a role are they playing in the global economy? The fifth article by Buckley examines the role of SMEs in technology transfer. It relies for its empirical evidence on the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) report on small and medium sized multinational corporations (UNCTAD, 1993). The UNCTAD study on technology transfer found that SMEs, like MNEs, transferred technology internationally from the parent firm. The most common vehicle for international transfer is via a joint venture with a host country company. This however is much less formalized than in large MNEs. Three types of technologies are picked up by SMEs: small scale technologies, labor intensive technologies, and specialized high technology know-how. The latter included biotechnology and microelectronics.

These firms frequently utilize joint ventures, and non-equity licensing deals and alliances. Finally, Reynolds revisit’s an old question: ―Do larger markets favor larger firms?‖A number of recent analyses and events suggest that the types of large markets currently in development not only provide substantial opportunities for SMEs, but

that a dynamic new and small firm sector is critical for economic growth in these markets. This brings us full circle to the issues initially raised by Acs et al. and Almeida and Kogut. Rather than weak and vulnerable entities that may require subsidies, new and small firms may not only thrive in new global markets, but maybe a necessary component for enhanced economic well-being (Lucas, 1988). The international diffusion of new innovations is crucial for continuing improvement of global economic welfare. In the diffusion process SMEs face two serious challenges: property rights protection and barriers to entry. If the rate of creative destruction is indeed too low, public policies should aim to increase the creation and international diffusion of innovations by SMEs. The analysis in the papers that follow suggests

that policies should aim to reduce the costs in international expansion for SMEs. That is, policies should aim to reduce private market costs incurred for the protection of property rights, to reduce entry barriers, and to reduce transaction costs. We should note, however, the suggestions rely on the premises that we have to little creative destruction. The broader question whether we have to much or too little creative destruction is not yet addressed. This basic question deserves our research attention.

Acknowledgements We wish to thank Bernard Yeung for helpful comments on an earlier draft. All errors and omissions remain our responsibility.

翻译:相比之下,在创造力的员工、独立的创新者可以容纳产权清晰、可以有充分动机进行激进的创新,可以很大程度上自由的繁文缛节。因此他们认为中小企业更善于创造革命性创新,因为他们更好的保护创新者的产权。Acs等人进一步认为,国际扩散中小企业创新是重要的全球经济福利。然而,中小企业只有有限的海外行动。原因之一是进入壁垒,为限制国际扩张,比大公司,中小企业系统要求更高。另一个原因是,中小企业有更少的资源来保护自己产权。作者认为,这些中小企业面临的困境在国际市场可以经常被规避跨国公司通过使用现有的国际渠道应对中小企业的创新。跨国公司也因此可以限制催化剂和促进者的小公司的国际扩张。而直接膨胀的中小企业受到了很多讨论,作为中介可能没有得到太多的关注。然而,这样的扩张作为中介模式负面影响交易困难和国际中介的租金萃取,主题非常详细地探索在戈梅斯,伊甸园的论文.提出了若干概念性问题重要的两种模式的比较国际扩张,并确定条件的私人市场安排是有效的。他们不相信直接补贴中小企业出国是明智的。

我们如何解释优越的创新性能的中小企业呢?在最近的一项研究Jaffe等(1993)分析了专利引文数据等属于国内大学和公司的专利来测试的范围知识溢出的本地化。阿尔梅达和科格特发现,本地化的专利知识在不同地区。半导体知识在硅谷和纽约三角往往是本地化。这表明互补性是重要的。最近的文献显示,中小企业受益于研发外溢从大学研究和大公司的私人研究但为什么这一现象大公司的利益比小公司的利益而不是更大的吗?其中一个原因也许是,较大的公司,因为他们的财产权和激励结构,更自我依靠、不强调建立关系和其他机构在该地区。通过定义的启动,人员在一个新公司将会有一个较短的任期在公司,利用最近的经验在其他公司。

研究地理定位的影响和技术的多样性在创新阿尔梅达和科格特来自在第二个纸检查引用的起源到170主要专利在半导体行业。实地调查研究,包括采访半导体工程师和其他个人的信息,用来补充专利分析。他们认为中小企业开始获得它们的比较优势,探索新技术创新的空间,会被大公司压缩,在这个

过程很容易造成区域性网络允许小公司更有效地获得和使用知识比大公司。他们发现,初创企业生产创新在拥挤的技术空间相对于大公司。这时,小公司更有可能探索不同地区的技术。他们的实证结果确定小公司如何使激进的创新和恭维理论推测在Acs et al。虽然知识是本地化为两个初创企业和其他企业,初创公司正在更加密切到区域网络是因为他们依靠网络输入关键知识。知识是为初创公司更多的本地化比其他公司和组织的企业家发挥了决定性的作用。如果知识流都是局部的,那么公司位于遥远的地区被排除在知识网络。这是这个地方特色的网络,是他们的潜在的链接与全球化(Acs,德拉Mothe和Pacquet,1996)。因此,小科技型企业有吸引力的收购目标感兴趣的跨国公司进入新技术网络。大约10%的38000个新的高科技企业上市的集团科技数据库有外国所有权会转移.如果小公司比大公司面临更高的进入壁垒的国际业务,有一个更困难的时间来保护他们的财产权利,小公司如何能成为国际公司?中小企业在海外投资时,他们通常寻求帮助。Gomes-Casseres在检查使用由中小企业的战略联盟之后他问三个问题:(1)当做小公司使用联盟做海外业务?(2)小企业如何使用联盟吗?(3)有什么影响联盟对企业竞争力的表现吗?本文定义了一个新单位的竞争称为―星座‖。一个星座是一组公司联系在一起的联盟。本文发现,小型企业可以遵循一种不同的方法来联盟,这要看他们的相对大小。企业相对于竞争对手,并和小的市场需求倾向于使用联盟,以达到经济规模和范围。公司是大型的相对于相同的基准,依靠内部功能扩展。

在任何情况下,证据表明,中小企业,对许多传统学者的预期,是活跃在国际舞台上的成员。中小企业如何发挥优势,当他们选择不与较大的合作伙伴进行合作。他发现,大多数小型跨国公司遵循―深深的缝隙战略‖。就是说,他们的位置以市场主导地位和techno——逻辑领导,并由一个专注于生产资料。同时,小公司倾向于投资于年轻的行业,而不是更成熟的行业。事实上,Gomes-Casseres和科恩(即将到来的)发现情况有更少,而不是更多的中小企业的联盟比人们预期的。做中小企业比跨国公司在国际扩张面临更高的交易成本吗?在这个问题上的第五论文考察了交易成本的作用在国际扩张。伊甸园,Levitas和马丁内兹调查一个大型文学处理国际业务,企业家和技术改变;他们提供了一个链接技术文献之间的中小企业和跨国公司的技术文献。本文检视技术三个方面:(1)技术作为公司特有的优势,(2)技术转移的成本,和(3)技术外溢。在每种情况下他们大纲视图和辩论的电流场关于所发挥的作用,大型跨国公司,根据统计证据,是世界上的主要技术生产商。最后,他们比较的能力大、小公司利润从技术。他们认为,中小企业不太可能能够出现问题时妥善管理技术转让过程。

在成本方面的技术转移,他们建议中小企业可能面临更高的交易成本,相对于大型跨国公司。虽然中小企业,由于它们的相对比较小,受益于减少官僚成本,然而他们也有更少的资源投入到搜索、谈判、监控和执法力度。他们也可能更受机会主义行为的部分供应商和买家由于其小的尺寸和相应的无法反馈。最后,

中小企业不太可能拥有一个专用性政权保护他们的知识库,

因此可能面临更高的风险成本的耗散和服务。这种观点是符合科恩和克莱伯(1996)如果小科技型企业事实上成为国际企业,那么他们是在全球经济中扮演多大的角色载.它依赖于它的经验证据在联合国贸易和发展会议(UNCTAD)报告在中小型跨国公司(UNCTAD,1993)。联合国贸易和发展会议上的研究发现,中小企业的技术转移,如跨国公司,转让技术国际从母公司。最常用的工具是通过国际转移与东道国的合资企业公司合作。三种类型的技术关于中小企业:小规模技术、劳动密集型技术和专业高技术诀窍。后者包括生物技术和微电子学。这些公司经常利用合资企业,和非股权许可交易和联盟。

最后,雷诺兹重新审视的一个老问题:―做大市场青睐大公司吗?―最近的一系列分析和事件表明,类型的大型市场目前在发展不仅提供了大量的机会,但中小企业这一新动态和小公司部门对于经济增长至关重要的这些市场,这给我们带来了整圆的问题等人提出的来自于最初Acs和阿尔梅达和科格特德问题。而不是软弱和脆弱的实体,可能需要补贴,新的小公司不仅可以生长在新的全球市场,但也许是增强经济福利(卢卡斯,1988)的必要的组件。国际扩散的新的创新至关重要的继续改善全球经济福利。在扩散过程中小企业面临着两个严重的挑战:产权保护和进入壁垒。如果创造性破坏的速度确实过低,公共政策的目标应该是提高创建和国际扩散的中小企业的创新。在论文的分析表明,政策应该遵循旨在降低成本为中小企业的国际扩张。这是,政策应该旨在减少私人市场费用为保护财产权利,减少进入壁垒,降低交易成本。我们应该注意,然而,建议依靠的前提,我们必须小创造性破坏。更大的问题我们是否有太多或太少的创造性破坏还没有解决。这个基本的问题值得我们研究的关注。

确认我们要感谢杨贤提供有帮助的评论较早的一份草案。所有的错误和遗漏保持我们的责任。

人民币国际化的现状和障碍

人民币国际化的现状和障碍 班级:17金融数学 学号:2017106142 姓名:余佳欣

人民币国际化是人民币逐渐从中国的主权货币发展成为主要国际货币的过程。在当前“一超多元”的国际货币格局下,人民币想要打破国际市场对美元、欧元(1.1202, 0.0019, 0.17%)的使用惯性、路径依赖,获得广泛使用的网络效应,最终实现与中国经济和贸易地位相匹配的货币地位,仍然需要经历一个漫长而曲折的历史进程。 人民币国际化的现状 人民币国际化是指人民币能够跨越国界,流通的范围不仅仅局限于中国境内,而是可以在境外流通,从而在国际间发挥记账单位、交易媒介、支付手段和价值贮藏手段职能,成为国际上普遍认可的计价、结算及储备及市场干预工具的过程。 近些年来,在我国与周边国家的边境贸易中,人民币已经被普遍作为了支付和结算的硬通货,尤其是东南亚的一些国家,已经有官方正式承认和公开宣布人民币为自由兑换货币。人民币国际化指数现状 1.人民币国际化调整巩固,RII触底后强势反弹。2017年,全球经济形势复苏向好,贸易与投资回暖,发达经济体增长势头巩固,新兴市场企稳回升。中国经济在转型升级的压力下保持稳健,新动能更加强劲,增长表现好于预期,国际货币基金组织(IMF)一年内连续四次上调中国GDP增速预测。综合国力提升,改革开放有序推进,夯实了人民币国际化发展的基础。市场需求企稳回升,摆脱“恐慌”回归理性,为人民币国际化提供了内源动力。在此基础上,跨境人民币使用政策体系以及基础设施进一步完善,为人民币跨境与离岸使用创造了便利条件。总体来看,2017年人民币国际化逐渐消化前期负面冲击与预期,在波动中显著回升,在全球货币体系中保持稳定地位。截至2017年4季度,人民币国际化指数(RII)为3.13(图1),同比上升44.80%,强势反弹,基本回归至2015年水平。

人民币国际化对中国外贸的影响研究

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人民币国际化对中国外贸的影响研究 摘要:人民币国际化是指人民币能够跨越国界,在境外流通,成为国际上普遍认可的计价、结算及储备货币的过程。随着世界经济全球化进程的加快,人民币国际化对于进一步提升我国的国际地位和国际竞争力具有十分重要的意义。同时对中国外经贸发展将带来极大的影响。 关键词:人民币国际化,中国外贸,影响 一.人民币国际化的基本概念 (一)货币国际化 广义的货币国际化是指当一国货币被该货币发行国之外的国家的个人或机 构接受并用作交换媒介、记账单位和价值储藏手段时,该国货币国际化就开始了,它一般是以一国货币流通范围超出法定的流通区域作为货币国际化的标准。狭义的货币国际化是指一种货币在没有该货币发行国参与的国际交易中充当记账单位、交换媒介和价值贮藏手段时,该货币就等同于国际化。人民币国际化(二)人民币国际化是指人民币跨越国界,由非国际货币变为国际货币,成为世界上普遍认可的支付手段、记账单位和贮藏手段的经济过程。它是一个渐进演变的动态过程。并且这一过程是人民币不断参与国际货币竞争的过程。 二、人民币国际化的进程加快 2009 年3 月11 日,中国央行和白俄罗斯国家银行签订了200 亿元人民币兑8 万亿白俄罗斯卢布的双边货币互换协议,使得人民币参与国际贸易结算从周边拓展到欧洲。人民币国际化路线图已经呈现,即采取从区域化到全球化,分阶段实施的方式。北面,中俄去年10 月已签署货币互换协议,双方有近2000 亿美元的20 年石油采购合同;东面,韩国在金融危机的逼迫下,也于去年12 月与中国签署了货币互换协议,金额高达约270 亿美元;东南,人民币已成为东盟民间的硬通货,官方层面,中国和越南、缅甸和马来西亚都有货币互换协议。 2009 年3 月29 日,中国人民银行和阿根廷中央银行签署了700 亿元等值人民币的双边货币互换框架协议。这已经是金融危机爆发以来,中国央行自2008 年12月至今签署的第6 个类似协议,并且从中国香港地区、韩国、马来西亚等周边地带扩展至拉美国家。至此,通过货币互换“走出去”的人民币总额达到6500 亿元。 2009 年4 月8 日,国务院常务会议决定,在上海、广州、深圳、珠海、东莞开展跨境贸易人民币结算试点。以目前中国经济的影响和政府推进人民币国际化的决心,人民币最终成为国际货币为时不远。 三、人民币国际化对中国外贸的影响 (一)有助于减少汇价风险,促进我国国际贸易和投资的发展 随着我国参与经济全球化速度的加快和程度的加深,对外贸易和对外金融活动也步入了空前的发展时期。对外贸易的快速发展使外贸企业持有大量外币债权和债务,由于货币敞口风险较大,汇价波动会对企业经营产生一定影响。人民币国际化后,对外贸易和投资可以使用本国货币计价,企业所面临的汇率风险也将随之减少,这可以进一步促进我国对外贸易和投资的发展。国际金融危机爆发以来,在美元和欧元汇率剧烈波动中,中国企业和贸易伙伴国企业普遍希望使用币

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